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IP Daily

  • 05.05.2011

From the Pink Sheet:

Data Exclusivity Remains A Top Issue In USTR's 2011 Special 301 Report

The failure of U.S. trading partners to adequately protect pharmaceutical test data remains one of the top concerns of the United States Trade Representative in its 2011 Special 301 Report on intellectual property rights.

The report encourages several countries to protect against unfair commercial use and unauthorized disclosure of undisclosed test or other data generated to obtain marketing approval of pharmaceutical products. The countries cited include Algeria, Argentina, Chile, India, Indonesia, Pakistan, Brazil, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, Malaysia, Mexico, Turkey and Paraguay.

In its annual Special 301 report, the USTR places U.S. trading partners deemed to provide insufficient IP rights protection, enforcement or market access on a Priority Watch List, Watch List or Section 306 monitoring list. Of 77 trading partners reviewed, the USTR put 12 countries on the Priority Watch List, 29 on the Watch List, and one, Paraguay, on the monitoring list. China, India, Israel, Thailand and Venezuela are among those on the Priority Watch List.

The report, released on May 2, includes an extensive discussion of China. It notes that pharmaceutical manufacturers have reported positive results from China's "Program for Special Campaign on Combating IPR Infringement and Manufacture and Sales of Counterfeiting and Shoddy Commodities," which was launched in October 2010.

"According to rights holders in this sector, law enforcement has been reaching out to individual companies, investigating leads early on, and bringing criminal prosecutions against infringers," the report states. "Rights holders detect more diligence and promptness on the part of Chinese authorities in developing criminal counterfeit pharmaceutical cases."

However, the report says the United States is troubled by China's May 2010 prosecution guidelines that tripled the threshold for investigating and prosecuting trade in counterfeit goods.

Christopher Singer, Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America President, International, said in a statement on the report that China "continues to circumvent data protection obligations and permit widespread distribution of unregistered active pharmaceutical ingredients."

Singer also said India has had significant delays in providing data protection and expressed concern about the scope of patents and coverage of incremental innovation, delays in providing patents and recent court actions to limit or undermine patentablility. He also expressed support for USTR's out-of-cycle review of Thailand, saying the country's "weak protection" of IP rights is especially troubling.

While Japan, Poland and New Zealand did not make either watch list, the USTR singled them out in the report, citing the pharmaceutical industry's concerns about their policies.

U.S. industry has "expressed serious concerns about the policies and operation of New Zealand's Pharmaceutical Management Agency," including the transparency, fairness and predictability of its pricing and reimbursement regime, the report states.

The report says industry also is concerned about health care reform legislation introduced in Poland in 2010 that would alter the country's pricing, reimbursement and clinical trials policies. The report also notes that the pharmaceutical industry is upset that it has not been able to meet with Poland's Ministry of Health to discuss these initiatives.

As for Japan, USTR says it is seeking further improvements in transparency and reform of reimbursement and regulatory systems that "would facilitate the timely introduction of innovative pharmaceuticals and medical devices into Japan's market."

The 2011 report is similar to last year's. In addition to data exclusivity, the USTR also reiterates its concerns about patent laws in India and the Philippines that prohibit patents on certain chemical forms unless they show increased efficacy.

Despite making major concessions to the United States, Israel remains on the Priority Watch List. Last year, it reached an understanding with the U.S. to strengthen laws on protection of pharmaceutical test data and patent term extension and to publish patent applications 18 months after the application is filed. While Israel has submitted legislation for the protection of pharmaceutical test data, the report says it has not submitted legislation regarding patent term extension or patent publication.

Compulsory licensing, once a major issue for USTR, is mentioned only with respect to China and Ecuador. China's draft regulations for patenting technologies used in national standards may allow a compulsory license if a patent holder does not grant a royalty-free license. As for Ecuador, the report says simply that the U.S. "will continue to monitor developments concerning compulsory licensing of pharmaceutical and agricultural chemical products."

Jamie Love, director of Knowledge Ecology International, an organization that closely tracks IP and trade policy, said the report does not convey the arm twisting that goes on behind the scenes.

"The USTR discussion of IPR policy concerns seems muted in the report, compared to the pressure that the U.S. government actually applies both behind the scenes and in different trade fora," Love said in a blog posting. "In practice, the 301 Report represents only a fraction of the issues being raised and the pressures being applied by the White House and various federal agencies."

Industry also is concerned about the inclusions of IP rights in a regional trade agreement currently in development, the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) Agreement. The United States and its TPP partners - Australia, Brunei Darussalam, Chile, Malaysia, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore and Vietnam - held their sixth round of negotiations in Singapore last month and are to hold the seventh round the week of June 20 in Vietnam. The U.S. expects the agreement to increase American exports to the Asia-Pacific.

PhRMA is advocating for a strong IP chapter. In an April 2011 document, "PhRMA Views: Intellectual Property (IP) Chapter for the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) Agreement," the association said data protection is essential to recoup R&D expenses. It cites the provision in the U.S. health care reform law that provides 12 years of data exclusivity - the time during which a generic or other competitor cannot use clinical data generated by an innovator to obtain marketing approval - for biologics.

PhRMA also says countries should be required to provide patent term adjustments to compensate for the loss of effective patent term from delays in marketing approval and the issuance of a patent. And it says the TPP "must include a mechanism to permit a patent owner to resolve patent infringement issues prior to marketing approval of the infringing pharmaceutical product."

From the pages of the New York Times:

Doctors' Prescription Records

To the Editor:

A recent Business Day article reported that the Supreme Court will review a Vermont law that limits the sale of doctors’ prescription records (“A Fight Over How Drugs Are Pitched,” April 25). The high court should invalidate the law. Not only is it redundant, it also undermines federal efforts to promote drug safety.

 

The American Medical Association already runs a national program that allows doctors to opt out of having their data available for sale. There is no need for states to duplicate its efforts.

 

Further, pharmaceutical companies rely on physicians’ prescription records to disseminate F.D.A.-directed safety warnings. Without access to doctors’ prescription data, they don’t know how many patients are taking specific drugs, or for how long. Such data are crucial to addressing safety issues quickly.

 

PETER PITTS
New York, April 25, 2011

The writer is president of the Center for Medicine in the Public Interest and a former F.D.A. associate commissioner.


 

My PREVIOUS online chat with Chicago Trib health reporter Trine Tsouderos.. I encourage everyone to follow her on Twitter @Trine_Tsouderos

www.chicagotribune.com/health/ct-health-chat-pseudoscience,0,4487863.htmlstory

Avoiding Internet pseudoscience

Join us at noon CT (1 p.m. ET/10 a.m. PT) on Tuesday, April 19, for an hour-long chat about filtering through pseudoscience on the Internet, with the Tribune's health reporter Trine Tsouderos and panelist Robert Goldberg.

The Internet has become a major source of medical information for millions of us as we wonder what might be causing our headache, what to do about our child's hyperactivity, whether we should be worried about that mole or not, whether homebirth is safer than hospital birth. We Google cures for cancer, silver bullet weight loss strategies, treatments for autism and risks associated with vaccines.

Are we better informed? Or are we bathing in a tub of bad information and even undermining our own health? Join journalists Trine Tsouderos and Robert Goldberg for an hour-long discussion of the Internet as a source of medical information and misinformation. We'll be discussing how to avoid slipping in puddles of pseudoscience and instead, how to become an astute consumer of online medical information. In a national PEW Study, find out what type of health advice people ages 18 and up are most likely to look for online and who is most likely to look for health advice online.

Journalist Robert Goldberg is the author of "Tabloid Medicine: How the Internet Is Being Used to Hijack Medical Science for Fear and Profit." Co-host of the blog www.drugwonks.com, Goldberg's work has appeared in the Wall Street Journal and Los Angeles Times. He is also vice president of the non-profit Center for Medicine in the Public Interest.

If you would like to submit a question in advance, please e-mail Trine Tsouderos at ttsouderos@tribune.com.

Nearly eight out of 10 physicians view pharmaceutical companies and their sales reps as useful sources of information about prescription drugs, according to a recent survey released by KRC Research. The survey, which was supported by PhRMA, also looked at how physician respondents view their interactions with company sales reps.
 
More than 90 percent responded that interactions with sales reps allow them to learn about new indications for approved medicines, potential side effects of medicines, and both emerging benefits and risks of medicines. In addition, 84 percent of the physicians surveyed said that interactions with sales reps allow them the opportunity to provide feedback to pharma companies about their experiences with a specific medicine.
 
Large majorities also found information from company representatives to be up-to-date and timely (94 percent), useful (92 percent), and reliable (84 percent).
 
The telephone survey of more than 500 American Medical Association members also included several questions about company-sponsored peer education programs, in which physicians present FDA-approved scientific information to their peers on behalf of biopharmaceutical research companies. Nearly nine in 10 of physicians who reported attending these programs said the information was up-to-date, useful and reliable.
 
And in a related story, the Massachusetts State Assembly voted to repeal the Massachusetts gift ban by a vote of 128-22. The Massachusetts code of conduct, which went into effect on July 1, 2009, requires drug and device companies to report payments of more than $50 to healthcare providers. The legislation also requires affected companies to adopt a marketing code of conduct to help ensure that healthcare providers make choices about prescription drugs for their patients based on therapeutic benefits and cost-effectiveness.
 
Notably, one year after the code went into effect, a study published by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) found that physician-industry collaboration had been impaired by the law. Physician education, new device procedure training, non-CME-accredited education, and promotional events were said to experience “the most significant impact.”
 
The House will now have to convince the Senate to include the repeal in the fiscal 2012 state budget, which is expected to be released next month.
 

Katy debar the door

  • 05.02.2011

From the editorial page of the Wall Street Journal ...

Kathleen Spitzer

The Administration targets a drug CEO in a troubling precedent.

Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius made her political name in Kansas, though we wonder if she's getting special advice from Eliot Spitzer. Her department's latest attack, on the CEO of Forest Laboratories, is straight out of the former New York Attorney General's bullying playbook.

HHS this month sent a letter to 83-year-old Forest Labs CEO Howard Solomon, announcing it would henceforth refuse to do business with him. What earned Mr. Solomon the blackball? Well, nothing that he did—as admitted even by HHS.

Forest Labs entered into a federal plea agreement in September over misconduct in its marketing of antidepressants Celexa and Lexapro. The allegations were among a rash of government suits claiming that marketing to doctors common among drug companies amounted to fraud against Medicare and Medicaid. The charges were odd given their implication that major companies would be dumb enough to try to hoodwink their biggest customer.

 

The charges also had a political flavor as an attempt to blame drug companies, rather than the fee-for-service design of the federal programs, for runaway costs. But some companies including Forest chose to settle rather than engage in extensive litigation.

 

In any case, the federal complaint contained no suggestion that Mr. Solomon was involved with, or even aware of, misconduct. And the question of his continued leadership was never part of the plea deal.

 

Only after a federal court ratified the deal in March did HHS drop its intent-to-ban bomb. Mrs. Sebelius unearthed a dusty provision in the Social Security Act that allows officials to bar executives of health companies from doing business with the government when the firms are guilty of criminal misconduct.

 

The feds have rarely invoked this awesome power, given the potential for coercive abuse. But Mrs. Sebelius seems bent on making it more common policy and says she can employ it even against executives who had no knowledge of an employee's misconduct. A year ago Mrs. Sebelius used it to dismiss the CEO of a small drugmaker in St. Louis.

 

This is a threat to every health CEO in America. If Forest wants to continue to sell its drugs to Medicare, Medicaid and the Veterans Administration—the biggest buyers of pharmaceuticals—it will have to change management. Losing the federal government as a customer is potentially crippling to a drug company.

HHS says its action is about holding corporate CEOs accountable, but it looks more like the Administration's latest bid to intimidate the health-care industry into doing its bidding on prices, regulations and political support for ObamaCare. This is the same agency that has threatened insurers with exclusion from new state-run health exchanges if they raise their premiums more than Mrs. Sebelius wants, or if they spread what she deems to be "misinformation" about the President's health bill.

 

The hammer on Forest Labs "reinforces everybody's worst fears—that this Administration won't do business with anybody that doesn't completely agree with its policy initiatives. Not only will it refuse to even have the argument, it will actively destroy these people," says Peter Pitts, a former Food and Drug Administration official who now runs the Center for Medicine in the Public Interest.

 

The precedent here is also a recipe for much more litigation. Regulators aren't above bringing flimsy cases, and corporations often settle them simply to avoid huge legal bills and additional public relations risk. If the Obama Administration intends to view every such settlement as an admission of guilt and then dictate who can run the company, you can expect a lot more litigation.

 

Forest Labs is sticking by Mr. Solomon, saying the exclusion is "unjustified." But even the company has acknowledged that if Mrs. Sebelius implements her ban, Mr. Solomon would be forced to step down at least temporarily while the company takes her to court. Every CEO in America will get the message that his job is at risk if he quarrels with an Administration's bureaucratic orders.

 

This reminds us of a similar exercise by the Justice Department against former General Re CEO Joseph Brandon. Mr. Brandon cooperated in an investigation into a 2000 reinsurance transaction between Gen Re and AIG. But the feds leaned on Warren Buffett, the chairman of Gen Re parent Berkshire Hathaway, to fire him. Mr. Buffett praised Mr. Brandon but still sacked him in 2008, though later the feds closed the case with no action against Mr. Brandon.

 

CEOs are accountable for their actions, but it is simply unjust for a powerful regulator like Mrs. Sebelius to threaten a company with ruin if it doesn't dismiss a CEO who has had no formal charges or proof of wrongdoing brought against him. It's another example of how this Administration views private companies as little more than agents of greed that must be made examples of when the political need arrives.

Let's Get Technical

  • 05.02.2011
From the Pink Sheet:

PDUFA V: Final Recommendations Fund Proposals In Two Of Three Tiers

Industry and FDA agreed to a recommendation package for the PDUFA V commitment letter after dividing agency proposals into three tiers and funding two.

Industry had considered 11 changes proposed by FDA for inclusion in the reauthorization of the Prescription Drug User Fee Act. Ultimately, three proposals were not funded because industry did not see them as pressing needs. However, firms did agree to FDA’s higher projections for the additional employees and other costs that would be required to fund the other programs.

FDA would not confirm an agreement had been reached. The agency expects to publish the proposals, likely in late summer or early fall, after their clearance by the full administration.

As of March 31, the agency and industry appeared to have reached an agreement on a package of recommendations for the PDUFA V commitment letter. Minutes of that meeting, released April 28, indicated final reviews and minor clarifying edits were made to the package (“PDUFA V Agreement Appears Set Between FDA And Industry,” “The Pink Sheet” DAILY, April 28, 2011).

Trial Design, Inspections Left Unfunded

Proposals to expand the Quality-by-Design program, enhance agency capacity to review and develop non-inferiority and adaptive trial designs, and conduct more real-time clinical trial site inspections were not funded. Industry said based on input from its members, “the needs in the areas of non-inferiority and adaptive trial designs and Quality-by-Design are not as great” as some other areas, according to minutes of a Feb. 10 negotiating session.

Industry also said clinical trial oversight was a job sponsors take seriously and member companies felt they were currently meeting appropriate standards, according to the minutes.

The cut likely was an effort to limit the increase in user fees necessary to handle the additional staff that would be required for the new programs. Industry already had spent part of the negotiations attempting to change inflation and other user fee revenue adjustment formulas so they would more accurately reflect current economic conditions (“PDUFA Formula Could Better Incorporate Present Economic Conditions,” “The Pink Sheet,” April 18, 2011).

The move meant eight proposals, in addition to changes to the application review system, were included in the commitment letter that both sides were reviewing for the final time during the March 31 session.

Adding patient and advocate views to risk-benefit decision-making, increasing staff for rare disease and biomarker development, creating a dedicated meta-analysis team, and standardizing Risk Evaluation and Mitigation Strategies for better integration into the health care system were among those in the agreement (see chart, "PDUFA Proposal Sheds Tier 3 Funding").

FDA agreed to limit the commitments to the top two tiers of proposals, but would not agree to the 100 additional full-time equivalents industry proposed to staff the programs. That estimate did not include additional personnel required for changes to the application review system.

The agency said it required full resourcing of the proposals, including “drug safety staff critical to REMS and other safety-related work.”

At a Feb. 15 meeting, FDA said it would need 119 FTEs and an additional $4.17 million per year in “other direct costs,” according to minutes of the session. By March 10, when reviews of the draft commitment letter had begun, industry had agreed to FDA’s request, according to minutes of that session.

Industry asked the agency to give annual reports on the progress of the initiatives, including hiring and staff placements. FDA agreed to post annual reports on its website, according to the minutes.

New Review Model Alters Submisson Timeline

The application review system changes mostly followed the model that had evolved through the PDUFA process, but the sides could not agree on a system for allowing inexperienced drug sponsors to ask FDA clarifying questions related to their applications.

Both sides debated adjustments to the review system throughout the negotiation process, which began in July 2010. Industry wanted to include more communication between sponsors and FDA during the review, while FDA wanted to improve its record of first-cycle approvals.

The two sides decided on a new system that will be used for new molecular entity new drug applications and novel biologics license applications that would result in a de facto two-month extension of review times, and more formal opportunities for sponsor interaction with the agency.

The program had been scheduled to start as a pilot, but both sides decided it would apply throughout the user fee cycle.

Pre-submission meetings will be required at least two months before the application is filed, where the agency and sponsor will talk about what components must be submitted and which can be sent within 30 days after the original filing.

An applicant that does not have a pre-submission meeting would essentially not be allowed to amend the application after it was submitted, according to the minutes.

It is a nod to FDA’s efforts over the past several months to remind sponsors that applications must be as complete as possible at submission so agency staff can better plan the review (“PDUFA V: FDA Relaxes Pre-Submission Meeting Requirement,” “The Pink Sheet,” March 28, 2011).

For sponsors that do have a pre-submission meeting, unsolicited amendments will be handled using current guidance. Both sides also agreed to definitions of whether a modification to a REMS submission constitutes a major amendment, including instances where REMS changes would not be considered a major amendment.

Major amendments would warrant a three-month timeline extension, although there was no mention in minutes of the Feb. 10 meeting, during which the proposal was agreed to, whether the new system would require the extension no matter when the amendment was received.

The review clock will not start until after a 60-day filing period, and sponsors will be able to talk with agency officials at mid- and late-cycle meetings to discuss application problems.

Late-cycle Meeting Might Lack Division Letters

Industry proposed another change to the system during a March 25 session that would have required FDA to send all primary and secondary discipline review letters to sponsors eight to 12 days prior to the late-cycle meeting to ensure substantive discussions would be possible. The letters are used to communicate application problems found by different review teams looking at an application.

FDA refused, but said if discipline review letters were not ready before the late-cycle meeting, the pre-meeting memoranda would include the problems identified.

Applications in the program will be tracked to note review team performance. An interim assessment also will be conducted to determine whether the program should continue through fiscal years 2016 and 2017, the final two years of PDUFA V. If it is scrapped, applications received during that time would be governed by rules that apply to all other applications, according to the minutes.

Industry has pushed throughout the process for assessments of new programs as well as the ability to change them during the PDUFA cycle if they are not effective (“PDUFA Needs Mid-Cycle Correction System As Part Of Reauthorization, Industry Says,” “The Pink Sheet,” April 18, 2011).

By Derrick Gingery


BioCentury reports that, per meeting minutes released by the FDA on Thursday and Friday, the agency and industry have an agreement for PDUFA V. On the financial front, "Industry agreed to include the $65 million in additional fee revenues for drug safety in FY 2012 in the base fee revenue amount for PDUFA V.”

 

Next step is for the FDA to hand its draft PDUFA V recommendations to the White House for review. Then, if all goes according to plan, the agency hopes to transmit its final PDUFA V recommendations to Congress on Jan. 15, 2012.

 

And yet, curiously, CDER Deputy Director Doug Throckmorton (PS/one of the smartest and hardest working guys at the agency) announced that the FDA will hold a PDUFA Public Meeting in September to get more input. 

 

Hm.

 

On a separate but related note, the FDA has begun a review of its regulatory operations to determine if they can be made more effective. The agency is requesting comments on whether existing rules are "outmoded, ineffective, insufficient, or excessively burdensome."

Ya think?

The review is being conducted in response to an executive order issued by President Obama in January and the deadline for comments is June 27.

So stop griping and start typing.

The Obama administration needed the pharmaceutical industry's support to secure passage of its landmark health care bill. Industry leaders came to the table to negotiate in good faith with the administration. Now that the legislation is law, President Obama has wasted little time in attacking the industry on a number of fronts.
 
President Obama has already said that the federal government will “negotiate” for cheaper drug prices.
 
PhRMA’s John Castellani opposes this move and also points out that PhRMA has “significant concerns about the overly broad powers of the unelected IPAB, which could enact sweeping Medicare changes without congressional oversight and which would not be subject to judicial or administrative review.”
 
Greg Conko of CEI also explains President Obama’s opposition to a key aspect of his own health care law:
 
As part of the ObamaCare legislation enacted last year, Congress created a mechanism for the Food and Drug Administration to approve generic versions of specialized biotech medicines called biologics. In recognition that biologics are far more costly to develop than conventional drugs, and that it takes innovators longer to recoup their research expenses, the law gives brand biotechs a 12-year exclusive marketing period before the FDA may approve generic competitors.

Now, just one year after that bargain was struck by Congress, Obama wants to upset the careful balance between quicker access on the one hand and incentives for innovation on the other in order to exploit the promise of cheaper generics. But here too, alleged savings are more theoretical than real.

White House officials are claiming an expected $2.3 billion in savings over the coming decade from shortening the exclusivity period. But in the long run, making it harder for biotechnology firms to recover their massive investments in new treatment options could jeopardize patient care and lead to higher health care costs by cutting off an important source of medical innovation.

CMPI interviewed Senator Dan Coats earlier this year about the health care law’s impact on the state of Indiana, which is home to a flourishing life sciences industry.
 
Senator Coats warned that the law would have a devastating impact on the industry (and by extension patients and employees).
 
Watch that interview here:
 


 
 



Here is Peter’s most recent piece in The Daily Caller:
 
When the government talks to your doctor, who’s listening?
By Peter Pitts
4/22/2011

The government goes to great lengths to control what those who speak with physicians can say to physicians. This is done out of concern that industry representatives have an agenda that could nefariously and inappropriately influence doctors. But what happens when the government starts talking to physicians? Who will be there to make sure that the government’s agenda doesn’t influence the doctor — especially when that agenda is cutting costs, not saving lives?
 
Under one of the less-noticed provisions in the 2009 stimulus bill, the United States government will, for the first time, start advising doctors directly on how they should treat patients — a process known as “academic detailing.”
 
This raises two major concerns: what will the government advise? And what rules will govern the interaction between government representatives and physicians?
 
Many within the medical community are concerned that academic detailing will focus on cutting government healthcare costs — an outcome that will reduce patient outcomes and quality of care.
 
Academic detailing is intended to communicate the findings of government-sponsored comparative effectiveness research (CER), but the government has been silent about the kinds of research projects the government will fund. In fact, it is not clear whether academic detailing will focus on clinical effectiveness researchor comparative effectiveness research.
 
Clinical effectiveness measures outcomes on an individual patient level to improve understanding of how different patients respond to different treatments. This type of research helps inform doctor-patient discussions, and enables better individual outcomes. Comparative effectiveness research, on the other hand, measures outcomes on a system-wide level to compare drugs against each other. This type of research does not take patient differences into account. It prioritizes treatments that work for the most people at the lowest cost, even if for some people, they don’t work at all.
 

The decidedly anti-vaccine group (hypocritically) named the National Vaccine Information Center is running an ad on the Times Square jumbotron claiming vaccines are dangerous.
 
It is co-sponsored by Mercola.com, a commercial website run by self-styled alternative health guru Joseph Mercola.  Mercola sells, among other garbage, vitamins he claims can kill Influenza since (as he asserts) vaccines don’t work.
 
CBS, Inc, the owner of the jumbotron,  (whose evening news show was coincidentally, a platform for NVIC, Andrew Wakefield and other unscientific vaccine fear mongers) is a public company that is being paid by the same groups who profit from creating vaccine panic. 
 
So what are officials at the Food and Drug Administration, who recently approved a new vaccine for pediatric forms of meningitis, doing about it?  After all, both NVIC and Mercola.com are making public claims about the safety of vaccines that are at variance with FDA’s own data and making statements about the ability of the products they sell or promote that have not been evaluated by the FDA. 
 
They are launching a program to Increase monitoring of the already regulated commercial speech of drug companies.  Recently the FDA helpfully provided journalists a 30 minute webinar about the wonders of the agency’s “Bad Ad Campaign” In an effort to get the news media, doctors and the public to look for examples of presentations, ads or sales materials that could be misleading.
 
It's also looking into ways to monitor what sort of Information drug companies can provide on the web:  “Currently, there are a number of questions surrounding how to achieve ‘fairy balance’” In online direct-to-consumer promotions, the agency said.
 
Companies should be called out when they go beyond the science in marketing efforts, to use social media to provide consumers information about their products via third parties and most importantly to team up proactively with the FDA to root out misleading claims such as those made by NVIC.  That applies particularly to the spread of Tabloid Medicine through social media.   Britain – which bars direct to consumer ads – has already figured It out:  “Companies can use any method of communicating to any audience provided relevant requirements of the Code are followed,” the PMCPA said.   Translation: keep It objective and science-based, provide links to reference sites that are not promotional in nature, don’t send people stuff if they don’t agree to receive it first and be honest about who is sponsoring sites and Information.  To which I would add: those who want to make counterclaims should voluntarily hold themselves to the same standards.
 
 
The FDA can make the Web and other outlets safe for medical science.  The FDA routinely works with the Securities Exchange Commission in Investigating whether a company is violating federal law by overstating the promise or effectiveness of products. The FDA has the authority to go after companies and Individuals who make unsubstantiated medical claims or market products directly or indirectly that could undermine the public health.  For that reason the FDA has spoken out about ephedrine, caffeinated alcohol products, and green tea. 
 
When she took office, FDA Commissioner Peggy Hamburg wrote, “The agency's success should be measured by its impact on promoting health, preventing Illness and prolonging life, not the number of facilities Inspected or drugs approved.”  
 
Yet the FDA stifles companies marketing FDA approved products when it wants to respond while the agency has remained silent. 
 
The FDA should not regulate even more free speech, whether it is broadly defined as promotion of FDA approved products or if it is dangerous and stupid, like the garbage peddled by Marcela and NVIC.   But it should, consistent with Dr. Hamburg’s mission, join the national conversation about vaccine safety and noted those groups, websites and hucksters who  -- to promote fear, publicity, profit and lawsuits -- are attacking the safety and effectiveness the FDA has approved.  At the very least the FDA should work with the Federal Trade Commission, the NIH, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and other agencies not to punish or prosecute or micromanage marketing, but to promote accuracy and point out when people spread unscientific claims designed to discourage the use of medical advances that enrich and extend life.  As it stands now, groups like NVIC can effectively yell “fire” in a crowded theater where none exists without being held to account.  The FDA has the ability and responsibility to prevent such panic now and in the future.
 

 


CMPI

Center for Medicine in the Public Interest is a nonprofit, non-partisan organization promoting innovative solutions that advance medical progress, reduce health disparities, extend life and make health care more affordable, preventive and patient-centered. CMPI also provides the public, policymakers and the media a reliable source of independent scientific analysis on issues ranging from personalized medicine, food and drug safety, health care reform and comparative effectiveness.

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